Sahara autonomy, a solution depending on the local democratic guarantees

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A whole process, the countdown relating to the professional local elections and one third of the Chamber of Counselors was started upon a timetable to begin on June 12th and end on October 2nd, 2009. These consultations will take place within a democratic perspective promoted to the rank of a real strategic priority. The main aim should be the establishment of the basis required for an effective decentralization developed as far as possible.  
The constitutions adopted since Morocco’s independence, (1962-1970-1972-1992), comprise clauses relating to the management of the local democracy. With the completion of the territorial integrity, and the Sahara being recovered by the Kingdom in 1975, the region has been automatically integrated within the constitutional framework of the decentralization promulgated in 1976, and modified to respond to the happening development, and which can be adapted not only to a developed centralization situation but also to a more decentralizing legislative regime as well. If the Saharan regions’ integration in Morocco has been carried out without any difficulties despite the colonial division and the separatist movement, this is mainly due to the allegiance to the King of Morocco, to the strong social link uniting all the elements as well as to the intensity and density of the mutual social relationships between the Southern Sahrawi Moroccans among themselves and with the other Northern Moroccans.

Integration means that the social ties linking the different components of a people are so stronger that their break may disorganize the whole society. It is this link which has allowed the Moroccan Sahrawis to adhere to the local democracy in a voluntary and progress manner. The selection of the local elites has been firstly based on their statutes as notable persons and on their capacities to mobilize their tribe members. These elites played an intermediary role with the tribe members to which they belong. They benefited in counterpart from advantages granted by the administration. Yet, this form has nevertheless given birth to local elites working within the different political compositions, and who have proved their capacities and abilities to manage the local, and even the national affairs. However, the policy based on the selection of the notable persons has revealed the fact of its being limited. The economic and social developments as well as the urbanization that the Saharan provinces have witnessed are significant, and these persons can no longer assume the roles they played in the past, as their mobilization capacities are becoming more and more reduced, and match no longer the new social realities. 
Hence, in the future elections, the political parties are liable to know how to face the persistence of vote catching, back up and encourage the credible elites, especially among the frustrated youth, and who will be susceptible to predict the social demand and events. As the main goal of the local democracy is to achieve liberty. it is on the local level that responsibility and liberty can be fully experienced by citizens and their representatives, and it is only the legality that goes hand in hand with the local democracy. In parallel with the political parties’ obligations, the Sate has to assume its responsibilities via a rigorous control of the decentralized departments, guarantee the public liberties and a fair justice. Undoubtedly, the task is difficult due to the heavy liabilities.  
The next elections will be decisive, and any jerk or adventurism will be fatal for the country’s unity, because if the autonomy option, being today in a decisive stage, benefits from the almost unanimous international support, and arouses a lively interest at the Security Council as an advanced institutional practice, the Sahara conflict has not yet been totally resolved. Once done, it will require a long time to reduce the consequences. The future organs of the Sahara region as part of the autonomy will be constitutionalized based on four principles: unity, liberty, equality and solidarity, i.e. without any kind of exclusion.  
The interest granted by the international community to the autonomy project for the Sahara, suggested by Morocco, is due to the failure of the self-determination-independence right to solve the issue normally resulting from the traditional territorial disagreement. Thus, this project will permit the adherence of all the Sahrawis if the conditions of the  good governance of the local people’s interests, via a transparent democratic practice, are attractive.
Hence, separatism leaders will eventually end up by accepting their failure and their imaginary wishes will vanish because if order is the wish of reason, disorder is only the wish of  imagination. As for the separatists’ supporters, with no legitimacy in their countries, they will be obliged across time to reconsider their stubbornness. As for the sequestered Sahrawis, when they would draw a comparison between exile in Tindouf hell and the peaceful life in their home within a prosperous and democratic society, they will be integrated in the social and political framework of their country, though at its beginning, in the image of any radical political force.
The next elections, if soundly held, will give much more political credibility to Morocco through the emergence of citizen local elites susceptible  to defend the national autonomy values, which, sticking to the sovereign strategy, meet a political realism respectful of the international legality. A promising solution on the national plan, a happy end for the Sahara issue, beneficial for the whole region.